Wednesday, November 19, 2008

Dissident Women Chapter 2

This chapter titles “Indigenous Women and Zapatismo: New Horizons of Visibility” by Margara Millan Moncayo speaks about the ways in which these activist women have wanted to change their perception as women in Mexican society by changing “gender relations” through their three horizons of visibility. The first horizon of visibility is women first placing themselves into these activists groups such as the EZLN (Zapatista National Liberation Army), OCEZ (Emiliano Zapata Pesant Organizacion Campesina), CNPA (Coordinadora Nacional Plan de Ayala), or CIOAC (Independent Confederation of Agricultural Workers and Peasants). These organizations were a presence of women who were fighting gendering issues such as “reproductive health, civil rights, and humans rights”(78) as well as providing “support for communities and women’s organization with a genders perspective” (78).
The second horizon of visibility is the insurgentas. These are women who have taken control and have tried to re-define gender in their own way, rather than that of what tradition calls for. These are the women who joined the militia as young women. Because they are apart of a group that chooses to look at gender differently than tradition dictates, they “begin to look different to their counterparts who have remained in the communities. They are women of eighteen or twenty who have not had multiple births, have eaten well, and speak Spanish. They speak with confidence” (83).
The last horizon of visibility is gender negotiations at the community level in the Zapatista context. This women would do gender negotiations and try to make changes in their own communities. They would negotiation marriage where they wanted their own “rights” to choose whom and when they will marry. These young women are a new generation of women who are looking to gain change, not just talk about it. Another part about gender negotiations is the role of domestic violence. Rather than men just physically abusing their wives a if a situation of violence should occur, “it is taken before the community institution, like any other conflict, and a punishment is meted out” (91). I think the involvement of community show that everyone should be working together and also it helps to protect the women from dangerous situations, and lastly provides an alternative than being abused and told to shut up about it.
The last key part of the visibility of gender negotiation is women rights. These are the right to more economic opportunities and resources, the right to choose whom they will marry and when they will marry, the issue of inheriting land. These women are finally able to have the rights in which they want. It is exciting to read about these women who went against the gain and challenged what they grew up with. These women proved to be fearless and expected change. I think just the story of these women if very empowering and makes me turn to myself asking what can I change in my own life and personal & societal expectations.

Strong Women Stories Chapter 3

In this chapter titled “From the Stories That Women Tell: The Metis Women’s Circle” by Carole Leclair & Lynn Nicholson with Metis Elder Elize Hartley speaking of the time spent by Metis women and how they come together as a community of women to their stories to each other. The Metis Women’s Circle was started In 1995 by Metis women because they felt there was a need to get together and share stories and share spirituality by both Metis women and those who are of mixed-blood. This circle becomes a place where all these women can negotiate their own life paths, speak of who they feel they are in terms of identity and “create positive meanings”. I think for the women this a type of therapy were only people with similar stories and background, views of identity and spirituality can really help you understand your own personal place in the world. Also I think for the women who are of mixed heritage this becomes the way that they can become closer to the culture that they are possibly denied or even unaware of. It is said that “…Of course there is confusion over the definition of who is/isn’t Metis. We recognize this confusion as an element of historically genocidal colonial practices” (59). I wish that there was a way for all minority people who have lost their history and ancestry to re-claim in such a way that it is able to live through stories. Just a few thoughts.

No Parole Today p. 18-30

In this section of No Parole Today, it seems to capture that essence of her Laura Tohe’s childhood while at the Indian Boarding School where she leaves that naïveté of her childhood and moves into being a “teenager” also it recounts her first love, loosing that first love, and rebelling like most teenagers do. I think her story about blowing the smoke in her face sounds like a regular teenager when they get tired of being “good” and want to become more rebellious. She speaks of the girls calling her wishbone to which she says “At least it’s not as bad as the names the school has labeled me, troublemaker, incorrigible, dumb Indian…” (26). I can see why she started to act out. It seems that if they are going to label you as a person who acts out and who is dumb, then you might as well give them what they expect than busting your behind to assimilate or be what they want because really all you are ever going to be to them IS a dumb Indian. Thoe says ‘its their way of shaming you, their way of taking control of you. They want you to know who’s in charge, who’s the authority. Like making soap flakes, they chip at you one flake at a time until your parts are laying in a bucket” (26). I think this is very powerful in itself because that is what the boarding schools are for. They take these children and make them into something else when really they are the still the same product but just in a different form. I think these opens an interesting facet to her story. Just a few thoughts.

Women & Change Chapter 8

This chapter titled “Mexican Women’s Activism in New Mexico Colonias” by Rebecca Dolhinow accounted for the project of interviews that she did in Colonias along the border of New Mexico. The communities were Los Montes, Recuerdos and Valle de Vacas. In this chapter probably the most interesting topic was of gender roles in the households of Colonias. These women speak of how men are only there for protection, discipline, to financially provide for the family and that is it. If he chooses to do anything else when he comes home for work, that is up to him and is “recreational”. For the women who want to be activists there are challenges and struggles that come along due to gender relations in the home. It because of their specific roles in the home, women are supposed to be the ones who take care of the home and the children. The role of women is to take care of everything else so if she doesn’t everything can fall apart. It is said that “mothers make sure their families are fed and dressed and ready for another day” (132). I think that this ideology goes beyond the Colonia communities, but also can even be seen in American culture. Men traditionally known as the breadwinners, and even some couples adhere to those 1950’s traditional views were the husband brings home the bacon, and the wife waits for him to bring it home so that she can cook it and hand him a beer after his long day. Yes there are “Mr. Mom’s” the men who are stay-at-home dad’s but those are not really chosen situations. These situations may come up when a father is laid off, or the mother may make more money the husband. I am saying that fathers could choose to do so, but it not often times the case. I wonder when as a global society we will break from this typical family structuring (minus alternative families of single parents, same-sex partnerships etc.)

Don't Let the Sun Step Over You Chapters 7 & 8

In this two chapters, Eva Tulene Watt wrote in chapter seven about her life in Chediskai and in chapter eight when her family raised horses and their daily lives there in Chediskai. Watt said that there were six families who lived in the area, but “they didn’t stay there like we did” (164). Many of the families were in and out of the area because of some getting killed, or families not moving to the area until harvest time came around, or families who only came for the summer. She remembers that even though her family was a permanent fixture to their area, her families and the other families always worked together and shared things and created their own kind of community.
Watt speaks about the salt bank that her family would use as a resource to get salt for cooking and foods. There were two white men who came to the salt banks in 1932 or 1933 and they ended up exploding the bank/cave which destroyed it. She says that “now its all down on the ground. It’s all chopped up. They used powder-dynamite-to destroy it. I don’t know why they did that. I don’t know what they are looking for” (173). It sad that the only white people that they ever saw came to their community destroyed a vital resource. I just want to prose the question for people to ponder such as why was it vital or why do you think she remembers so much about this being that she was just a child? Do you think that this was the “talk of the town” which caused a lot of uproar and unrest to those living in the community?
In chapter eight Watt speaks about when her family was raising horses. Her family would use these horses for everything. Not only would they raise them, but they would the hair to make rope and soap, and also they would eat horse meat and then used the hides to make bags. I really liked her story about raising the orphaned horse that was rejected by the others for some reason. I feel like that story may have spoken about other people in her community or people that she herself has encountered. They took care of that horse when it needed the help. That just speaks about the kind of people that they are. Just a few thoughts

Dissiden Women Chapter 8

In this chapter titled “A consideration of the Daily Life of Zapatista Women” by Violeta Zylberberg Panebianco, spoke about the Zapatista National Liberation Army (ELZN) and the daily lives of women who do participate in the group as well as their participation within the group. The Zapatista movement was looking for eliminate gender inequality in the workplace for these women although that would be a mountain to conquer in itself. It is said that “…women participate within the EZLN at all levels”, (222) some of the women are apart of organizing communities and region, some live in military camps in the mountains, and other who live in their communities but have had some military training, and lastly other are apart of the support base. Zylberberg Panebianco focuses directly on the women who form the support bases because “…little is know about the women who form the Zapatista support bases, about their daily struggle to survive under the low-intensity warder that besieges their communities, to transform the “traditions” that regulate their lives” (223).
Part of these women’s daily lives included them become displaced by the Mexican Army and their families ended up fleeing to the mountains. Once the army arrived “all their belongings had been destroyed, their animals had been stolen or killed to feed the soldiers, and the corn and beans from the year’s harvest were scattered on the ground, mixed with the soldiers’ feces and urine” (225). This sounded like the militaries own way to make sure that nothing came back, almost like burning the fields. These women deal with a military presence everywhere they turn. I wonder why they go after the women who work as the support base. These women are always being watched and “…the presence of federal troops has altered how the people go about their daily activities” (225), so I can only imagine how the army being around had made the mobility of these women harder because they have to walk farther to collect firewood and water.
Zylberberg Panebianco also talk about the Zapatista uprising and how men are helping women more with domestic tasks. On individual said that “If I finish early with my work, I can help, Women have a lot of work, and there are things we can help with” (230). One of the men said that he would help to grind corn, but not make tortillas. I think that even though the men do want to help they are still trying to hang on to traditional values, but it is nice that they would grind the corn or shuck the corn, or feed the pigs because that decreases the amount of work which the men will do. I can only imagine that this could possibly change over time where men would do more, but you cannot expect men to be in the kitchens with aprons tomorrow taking care of the home and children. This type of change will not be immediate. I think although the Zapatistas had a movement, the women who are in the support base position their lives have changed much, but the Zapatista movement as a whole did change how people looked at indigenous women. They weren’t women who couldn’t, but they became women who can and did make change if not in the communities, but their homes.
Di